Luton

The proposed new parliamentary boundaries for Luton

Yesterday the Boundary Commission for England released it’s proposed changes to parliamentary constituency boundaries.

The headlines for Luton are:

Luton South loses the parts of Central Beds (the village of Caddington and the surrounding area) it currently has to a Hemel Hempstead seat. It gains from Luton North the two wards of Barnfield and Saints.

Luton North loses those wards but gains the four Central Bedfordshire wards that contain the town of Dunstable. It is renamed Luton North and Dunstable. I’m not yet sure what I think about this change.

The big news for the rest of Bedfordshire is that Nadine Dorries’ seat of Mid Bedfordshire is effectively abolished. It’s various wards are broken up and distributed amongst the remaining Bedfordshire seats and two of the Hertfordshire seats. This has the potential to lead to an interesting Conservative selection battle for the reconfigured South West Bedfordshire constituency.

I had blogged previously about the potential implications of the boundary change for Luton. I was right in my expectation that the two Luton constituencies would be shifted north and west respectively. But I wasn’t expecting Luton North to be joined with the whole of Dunstable.

I will confess to a little bit of disappointment that the fun and games of a Luton South and Harpenden seat have been avoided!

As for the political implications of this, my initial reaction is that these changes make Luton South a little safer for Labour. It is bad news for the Tories in the seat as they lose the mainly Conservative voting Caddington. It could also be good news for the Liberal Democrats. At the last local elections they got a reasonably good vote share in the two wards that move into the constituency from Luton North and they have one councillor in Barnfield.

At the moment I am less clear about the implications of Luton North joining with Dunstable other than it will make the seat more competitive.

However, the big question is whether or not these proposals get implemented. They have to get the approval of parliament first and there is that old thing about turkeys and Christmas.

Margaret Moran is “unsocialist and unsociable”

Having written something almost complimentary about former Luton South Labour MP Margaret Moran in my last post here I thought I ought to redress the balance. Luckily this tweet appeared in my Twitter feed today thanks to @lordbonkers and I thought it needed sharing.

This is how The Olive Press, “Spain’s No1 English news website”, reported the news that Moran is to face 21 expenses charges;

You can tell from the quotes in this article that British ex-pats who move to Spain soon lose touch with the mother country by the way they seem to think that most Labour MPs still describe themselves as socialists!

‘One neighbour Nick Nicholson….said: “She must be gutted. We did not come here for this petty, completely unsocialist behaviour. It is bloody minded and completely unsociable.”

Another neighbour Nuri added: “She is meant to be a socialist MP, but behaves like an English imperialist from the days of the Raj.”’

Luton Labour MP Gavin Shuker votes for Dorries amendment

Yesterday saw the attempt by the Conservative MP for Mid Bedfordshire, Nadine Dorries, to amend the NHS bill to change the legal basis by which women seeking an abortion receive advice and counselling. Now this is not area where I would claim to have a great deal of knowledge, but I know a piece of bad legislation when I see it. This extremely controversial amendment had united woman’s rights groups, the medical profession, and many others in opposition to it. It seemed to be based on the assumption that the current system is failing and those involved in it where largely motivated by things other than the welfare of the women they were dealing with. Evidence for this assumption was not provided.

I don’t generally approve of Diane Abbott MP but she did make a very good and well argued speech in yesterday’s debate. One with which it is hard not to thoroughly agree. She said;

“The case that the amendment is intended to make is that tens of thousands of women every year are either not getting counselling that they request, or are getting counselling that is so poor that only new legislation can remedy the situation. I might say, after many years in the House, that in matters of this kind, if legislation is the answer we have almost certainly asked the wrong question…..

…the proposers of the amendment are asking us to believe, on the basis of purely anecdotal evidence, that tens of thousands of doctors, nurses and charity workers involved in the 190,000 abortions a year are wilfully ignoring both the law and the guidance of the British Medical Association and the Royal Colleges. They go further than that, arguing that tens of thousands of doctors, nurses and charity workers are merely in it for the money. They imply that those men and women are involved in some sort of grotesque piecework. It is almost as though they were paid per abortion. The proposers of the amendment, I might add, also seem to be arguing that thousands of women do not actually know what they are doing. It tells us something about the validity of their claims that they are obliged to smear tens of thousands of doctors and nurses to make any kind of case…..

…There is no evidence base for the amendments, and on the basis of all the recent polls there is no substantive support for amendments of this nature. Legislation addressing the issues raised by Government Members is already in place. This House should have more respect for the medical profession and for the vulnerable women who put themselves forward for abortion in one of the most difficult periods in their lives, rather than support an amendment of this nature, which is spurious and baseless. I urge the House emphatically to reject the amendment.”

So the question has to be asked – what on earth was the Member of Parliament for Luton South, Gavin Shuker, doing voting for this amendment?

I’m afraid you can’t justify this vote with arguments based on religious and moral views on abortion. This wasn’t about that issue. This is very bad judgment on Gavin’s part.

They irony is that his predecessor as Labour MP, Margaret Moran, who is facing charges of forgery and false accounting later this month, given her record on women’s rights, I’m pretty sure would have voted against. Gavin, you are being seriously misguided if in comparison to Margaret Moran you come off worse!

In fairness I should say that the Conservative MP for South West Beds, Andrew Selous, along with, embarrassingly, four Lib Dem MPs, also voted for the Dorries amendment. So he isn’t the only one displaying bad judgment. The other Labour MP for Luton, Kelvin Hopkins, voted against.

Happily, the amendment was voted down with a massive 250 majority (368 against – 118 for).

Margaret Moran to face 21 expenses charges

This blog has often in the past talked about the scandal surrounding former Luton South MP Margaret Moran and her parliamentary expenses. Today it was announced by the Director of Public Prosecutions that she will face 21 charges for allegedly claiming parliamentary expenses illegally when she appears in front of City of Westminster Magistrates’ Court on the 19 September.

She will face 15 charges of false accounting and 6 charges of forgery.

The BBC has more: ‘Ex-Luton MP Margaret Moran facing 21 expenses charges

For more on the background to this you can read the full list of Margaret Moran related posts on this blog.

Former Luton Council Chief Executive to chair government’s panel on riots

Darra Singh, a former Chief Executive of Luton Borough Council, has been chosen to head the Communities and Victims Panel that the Government has set up to talk to those affected by the riots in August and to attempt to understand why they occurred. The Deputy Prime Minister, Nick Clegg, announced the membership of the panel this week.

Darra was the Chief Exec for my first few years as a councillor in Luton and so I got to see him at work. I reckon he is a good choice for this role. I have in the past praised the work he did as chair of the Commission for Integration and Cohesion under the last Labour government. Some of the conclusions of that commission where quite challenging and so if this new panel applies the same degree of rigour to it’s work it’s conclusions won’t necessarily be comfortable for the current coalition government.

The establishment of this panel is in step with the more sensible response to the riots that Nick Clegg has taken. I think it is unlikely that Darra will be inclined to endorse the more wilder aspects of the Tories knee jerk response. That said, I get the impression that he is respected across all political parties so what he and the other members of the panel come up with should hopefully have some weight.

Luton Labour’s appointments to the Bedfordshire Police Authority descends into farce

Over the last few weeks I have been blogging about the ridiculous mess the Luton Labour party have got themselves in over the nominations from Luton Borough Council to fill Luton’s places on Bedfordshire Police Authority. You can read my previous posts on this here:

I am a bit behind with the news but I wanted to update Strange Thoughts with the latest developments. It seems that the issue has now been resolved but not without Luton Labour Councillors delving deep into the realms of high farce. I wasn’t at the key meetings but the events that unfolded have been told to me by a reliable source.

To quickly recap, appointment of Councillors to the police authority from the three local authorities that make up Bedfordshire are made on the basis of the strength of the political parties across the whole of the county. Following the recent local elections this meant a split of 4 Conservatives, 3 Labour and 2 Liberal Democrats. It was widely expected that to meet this arrangement Luton would send to fill it’s three places 2 Labour and 1 Lib Dem. However, it was decided by the Luton Labour party to grab all three places for themselves. When the police authority met to determine its membership these appointments were duly rejected by the other police authority members. This has left Luton without representation for several weeks while key decisions about policing in Bedfordshire were being made.

The next opportunity to resolve this situation came at the meeting of Luton Borough Council on 19th July when Councillors could try again to make the appointments of representatives.

One of the curious things about the agenda for that meeting was that it included a report to the Council from it’s representatives on the police authority. How, given that at that time LBC had no representatives, the report could be presented did not seem to be explained. However, the report did include a nice summary of the situation from the authority’s perspective;

“The Joint Selection Committee did not agree to the nominations submitted by the Luton Borough Council as they had not followed the recommended political allocation.

Luton Borough Council had therefore been asked to review their nominations. The Bedfordshire Police Authority Joint Selection Committee expects to meet before the next meeting of the Police Authority which is on 22 July to consider the revised nominations and determine Luton Borough Council’s appointments to the Authority.

The Police Authority expressed concerns that Luton Borough would not be represented at any of the Committee meetings until this matter was resolved, particularly with the significant changes being developed and implemented over the next 4 months, and hoped that the three councils were able to resolve the matter promptly.”

The question would the Labour party do the sensible thing allow one Liberal Democrat to go forward or would they be stubborn in their insistence that Labour should have all three places?

Apparently, when the meeting came to the appointment of police authority representatives the leader of the Labour Group put forward the names of two Labour Councillors. The Liberal Democrat group then put forward it’s chosen nomination of former police authority member Cllr Martin Pantling. So far so good. It looked like the Labour party had accepted defeat on this issue and had chosen to do the sensible thing.

But then the farcical element of the meeting began. The Labour leader asked that a vote be taken on the acceptance of each individual nomination. The intention was clearly that the Labour group wanted to vote for the two Labour nominations but against the Lib Dem. This would mean that Labour’s chosen members could go forward to the police authority but that the Lib Dem would be excluded.

However, the Mayor then intervened. He said that an individual vote on each nomination could not take place. There were three nominations for three places so all should go forward without a vote. This clearly scuppered Labour’s plan. Now a sensible group of people would have accepted this and moved on. Not Luton Labour. They started to try and find ways to engineer a vote.

I am told that Labour Councillors then began attempting to nominate other members of the Liberal Democrat group! They nominated Lib Dem leader, Cllr David Franks, who promptly refused the nomination. They then tried to nominate Cllr Peter Chapman who did the same. Becoming more and more ridiculous they tried again by nominating Cllr Jenny Davies with predictably the same result.

So they then changed tactic and nominated an extra one of their own, Labour councillor Roy Davis. At first Cllr Davis accepted the nomination and the vote began. But descending further into farce, halfway through the vote he then withdrew.

Now this may have been amusing at the time but it has very little to do with securing proper and effective representation for Luton on the police authority. Indeed it could be easily interpreted as the Labour group having a personal vendetta against Cllr Pantling, so determined were they to exclude him. Whatever the motivation, it doesn’t reflect well on Luton’s elected representatives. Sadly, following the last local elections giving Labour even greater dominance on the Council I fully expect such game playing to continue and probably worsen.

However, this incident also shows that they can’t always have it their own way. They have had to accept the reality of the situation and give up their attempt to exclude the Liberal Democrats from a place on the police authority and to bully the rest of Bedfordshire into doing things their way.

The good news is that Luton is now properly represented on the Police Authority. The Luton members are now Cllr Malik and Cllr Whitaker from Labour and Cllr Pantling from the Lib Dems.

What does the constituency boundary review mean for Luton?

As part of the negotiations that led to the formation of the current coalition government it was agreed, on the insistence of the Conservatives, that the new government would legislate to reduce the number of members of Parliament from 650 to 600. This was to be accompanied by a review of the boundaries of each parliamentary constituency across the UK with the intention for, as far as possible, each constituency to have the same size electorate. The motive behind this was widely seen as an attempt by the Conservatives to correct the disadvantages they face from the imbalances in the current system.

This was written into the Coalition Agreement and has since become law in the Parliamentary Voting System and Constituencies Act 2011. So the process of reviewing the boundaries of every constituency in the country is beginning and is supposed to be completed in 2013. Mark Pack has a good explanation of the process;

“Across the UK, the number of constituencies is being reduced from 650 to 600, with similar reductions in each part of the UK: England 502 in place of the current 533; Wales 30 in place of the current 40; and Northern Ireland 16 in place of the current 18.

These numbers come from allocating constituencies in proportion to the electorate of each of the four parts of the United Kingdom, using the Sainte-Laguë method. The two Scottish island constituencies and the two Isle of Wight constituencies are not included in the constituency allocation process.

The electoral quota for the review, which is the average electorate per constituency across the UK, is 76,641, with the electorate of each constituency having therefore to be within the range 72,810 to 80,473″

The quid pro quo for agreeing to this review for the Liberal Democrats was that they would get a referendum on the question of changing the voting system to the Alternative Vote. That hasn’t worked out very well for the Lib Dems. It remains to be seen whether the redrawing of the constituency boundaries does in the end benefit the Tories.

However, it does mean that the next general election will be held on different constituency boundaries from the last one and changes will be made to almost every seat, including the two in Luton.

While it has not yet developed any proposals the Boundary Commission for England has published some of the rules it will use when drawing up the boundaries and this has enabled some people to start to speculate on what the changes could be. One of the most thought through attempts at such guess work is the model devised by Lewis Baston on behalf of Democratic Audit. One of the things that models like this clearly show is that the calculation of the new boundaries is complex, has to be looked at in the context of the changes being made to a region as a whole, and that they are best understood by looking at the impact on each county.

Bedfordshire currently has 6 seats but under the new arrangements is entitled to 5.64. This means that at least one constituency in Bedfordshire will need to cross a county boundary. Baston’s prediction is that this will be in the north of the county with a new seat that crosses into Cambridgeshire and encompasses St Neots. Across the rest of the county, in simple terms, the rest of the constituencies shift northwards.

In Luton he suggests that Luton South will expand to take over the rest of the South East Bedfordshire ward of Central Bedfordshire Council, a part of which it currently contains, and the Saints ward from within Luton Borough.

Luton North will lose the Saints ward to the south but will expand to the west, essentially taking in Houghton Regis.

However, this is just one model. Baston himself points out that an alternative would be a shift to the south into Hertfordshire;

“The Hertfordshire crossing would allow a perhaps tidier arrangement of counties over the eastern region as a whole, but the potential crossing points are not easily identified – perhaps Harpenden with Dunstable or south Luton (which would produce a seat with very little in common), or Hitchin with an east Bedfordshire area.”

I have to say the potential for amusement at the reaction to a Harpenden and South Luton seat from the residents of both places is rather large!

My expectation is that the Luton constituencies will shift either northwards or eastwards. For the sake of coherence I would hope that they stay within the urban area. So my preference would be for a Luton South seat that expands northwards and takes in more of Luton’ wards, and a Luton West seat that takes in Houghton Regis and possibly parts of Dunstable.

What impact will these changes have on the parties in Luton?

Well my guess would be not as much as you might think. It is likely that the changes will make one or both of the Luton seats more marginal. But whether the actual configuration we end up with could be seen as benefiting one party or another is doubtful. It is unlikely that it will be that clear cut.

Until we get firm proposals from the Boundary Commission it will be difficult to tell. However, that won’t be for a little while yet. So there is still plenty of time for anoraks to have fun speculating on the outcome.

Meet the Bedford Labour Councillor the Luton Labour Party want to throw off the Police Authority

Meet Councillor Colleen Atkins MBE. She is a Bedford councillor, a member of the Labour Party, and is currently Portfolio Holder for Performance and External Relations in the administration of Bedford’s Liberal Democrat elected Mayor Dave Hodgson. She is also one of the two Bedford Council representatives on the Bedfordshire Police Authority.

I’ve covered here before how the insistence by the Luton Labour Party that all three of Luton Council’s places on the Police Authority should be held by Labour members has ended in a row that has meant that Luton has currently no representation on the Authority. Something which, as far as I know, they are still insisting on.

The things is, as the Labour Party is only entitled to three places in total because of the balance of parties across Bedfordshire, if they get their way on this then Cllr Atkins would have to be thrown off. This doesn’t strike me as being very comradely behaviour on behalf of Luton Labour towards their brothers and sisters in Bedford.

I hope that before the next Luton council meeting on the 19th July Luton Labour comes to its senses and that they propose a compromise to that meeting. If not Luton risks a further few months of not being represented on this important body.

Featured on Liberal Democrat Voice

The shocking level of homophobia in Luton’s schools

There have been very few occasions since the election when I have honestly felt that I wished I was still a councillor but one of them was when I read in the local press about the shocking level of homophobia in Luton’s schools.

The report was of an NUT survey that found that in Luton’s secondary schools;

“a staggering 94.5 per cent of teachers had seen or heard a homophobic incident at least on a termly basis…..A further 56 per cent had seen or overheard homophobic abuse in the classroom either every day or at least once a week”

This is deeply troubling. If I was still on the Council I would be making a point of raising this with the administration and asking what the LEA was doing about it. However, I can do the next best thing which is to email some Liberal Democrat colleagues on the Council and ask if they can make some enquiries.

“Labour Party spokesman” wrong on Police Authority formula

I’m returning to the issue of Luton’s current lack of representation on Bedfordshire Police Authority in order to correct a misleading statement by the Luton Labour Party.

Last week I was welcoming Luton on Sunday’s belated reporting of how the insistence by the Labour group on Luton Borough Council that the three people who should represent the town on the Police Authority should be Labour councillors, in the face of the understanding by the other two councils in Bedfordshire that they should be 2 Labour and 1 Lib Dem, has left Luton without any representation at all. What I didn’t comment on was the statement included in that news report by an unnamed “Labour party spokesman” that;

“The formula says all three members from Luton should be Labour.”

If this was true what I had written on this blog would have been incorrect and I would have done the Luton Labour Party an injustice, so I wanted to check the facts.

I have managed to get hold of the report that went to the council meeting on the 17 May that started this nonsense which I have made available online.

This report clearly states that the party allocation of the seats on the Authority should be 4 Conservative, 3 Labour and 2 Liberal Democrat. It also clearly shows that the proposal supported by Bedford and Central Beds Councils at the time of the meeting was that this was to be divided up into 2 Lab and 1 Lib Dem from Luton and one each from Bedford.

The report provides no rationale for the alternative arrangement suggested by Luton Labour. It certainly does not include a formula that calculates that three Luton places should be given to that party. It is clear from this that Labour in Luton went ahead with proposing their three Labour councillors with no justification other than their desire to take all the places and in defiance of the understanding of the other councils. A really stupid thing to do.

So the statement in the Luton on Sunday news story by the “Labour party spokesperson” is clearly incorrect. There is no formula that says all three members from Luton should be Labour. Whoever that person is, they are either ignorant of the facts or deliberately setting out to mislead the public. While this person hides behind a cloak of anonymity it is difficult to make a judgement which of those it is.

Luton on Sunday finally reports on the Police Authority row

I noticed in this Sunday’s edition of the Luton on Sunday that they had finally got around to reporting on the row that is taking place over Luton’s representatives on the Bedfordshire Police Authority.

It is about a month since I was wondering on this blog why they were not covering this story. The crucial meeting that left Luton without any representation on the police authority was on the 20th May, so it has taken them a while to catch up. But I’m glad they’ve got there in the end!

Achievement six: Founding Luton Culture

On the 5th May 2011 I failed in my attempt to be re-elected to Luton Borough Council after eight years serving as an elected councillor. This article is part of a series of posts where I attempt to process what those eight years have meant for myself by asking the question “what did I achieve?” in that time.

The final achievement I want to highlight in this series of posts is the one that means the most to me. This is the work that I did to create Luton Culture.

In short this is the story of the actions I took as an Executive member on the Council to both protect and enhance Luton’s cultural services, against a background of financial pressure on the Council, by the transfer of the museum, arts and library services into an independent charity.

In common with many other local authorities Luton Borough Council had already gone through the process of transferring the operation of its swimming pools and leisure centres in to a ‘not for profit’ sports and leisure trust. It had set up Active Luton which had begun operating in November 2005.

The creation of Active Luton had also resulted in substantial savings to the Council’s revenue budget by switching the source of the funding to London Luton Airport Limited, the company which receives the profits from the Council’s ownership of London Luton Airport. By funding an independent charitable trust in this way Gift Aid can be claimed on what is paid to the trust and this is a substantial amount of extra revenue which results in a saving to the council.

The fact that this model of transferring cultural and leisure services from the Council into an independent trust had been successfully tried in Luton it was natural for the Council to consider whether the same model could be applied to other services.

So in February 2006, as a result of the budget process, it was proposed to create a museums trust to manage Luton’s two museums and achieve savings as result.

This is when I enter the picture. I had been a member of the Council’s Executive as part of the minority Liberal Democrat administration that has run the Council since 2004. My portfolio up until that point had been mainly environmental and transport issues but after the annual council in May 2006 I was asked to take on additional responsibility for cultural, leisure and community services.

Some of the earliest discussions I had in this new role were about establishing the proposed museums trust. I found no resistance from the council officers to the principle of transferring these kinds of services into an independent trust but they were understandably worried about the practical implications. After starting to work on developing the detailed proposals for how to create the museums trust they had begun to question its viability.

At the root of their concerns was a question of size.

There was considerable doubt whether an independent trust created from the museums service alone was sustainable. In order to operate it would need to be able to perform new functions, develop new governance structures, and have a new level of strategic leadership. It was felt that this service on its own would not have the critical mass to take on these tasks.

For me as the portfolio-holder it soon became obvious that I had a choice between abandoning the idea altogether, and seeking to find the budgeted for savings from elsewhere, or to look at expanding the number of services transferred in to the new trust. As we examined the options the idea of creating a more broadly based “cultural services trust” began to form.

Being involved in the early stages of the development of this idea were for me one of the best examples I have come across of a good working relationship between an elected local politician and a professional local government officer leading to positive change. Here I want to pay tribute to the work of Peter Jones who at the time was the Head of Service for Leisure and Community at Luton Borough Council. Peter was responsible for a significant amount of the heavy lifting involved in getting the trust off the ground and ensuring the transfer went smoothly. His role was also crucial in those early discussions.

I met regularly with Peter in the last half of 2006 to talk through our ideas of how a cultural services trust would work. Although at that point I had only been a councillor for three years, and an executive member for just two, I had already become frustrated by many aspects of how local government worked and the restrictions often placed on an elected member’s ability to achieve change. So I was immediately attracted to what was becoming a very bold initiative.

During these discussions I became conscious that if I wanted to protect these services, which I very much did, this was probably the best, possibly the only realistic, way of doing so. At the same time as working on this idea I was involved in making painful cuts in other areas of the council. This was unpleasant experience and certainly not what I had become involved in local politics to do. So the possibility of working on a project that would throw a shield around services that I and local people valued was something I wanted to grasp. So I quickly became very excited by the possibilities that establishing a broadly based cultural services trust would open up.

My enthusiasm and ambitions for the idea of this trust was nicely complemented, and at times necessarily reined in by, the cool headed professionalism of Peter Jones. Understandably as the Head of Service his concerns were to manage his staff’s workload, to maintain morale within the services, ensure the continuity of existing service provision, and to meet his obligations to members. He saw many of the potential pitfalls and problems and worked hard to ensure they were avoided. I think his diplomatic skills were often tested too.

Together we established the idea of a cultural services trust as a valid and achievable aim for the Council to pursue. We also developed what was to become our mantra – our desire to protect and enhance services.

It is obvious that a key driver here was the need to find financial savings. It certainly didn’t go unnoticed that widening the scope of the proposed trust beyond museums alone would mean that the council would be able to achieve even greater savings. But we both felt very strongly that this development couldn’t be just about saving money alone.

In considering the future of the Council’s cultural services I was conscious that the majority of them were discretionary provision. The Council had no legal obligation to provide them. So it would be these services that would be at greater risk of being cut when money needed to be found. In the prevailing climate it was almost inevitable that because of their discretionary nature the amount spent on these services would decline over time. If they remained as part of the Council proposals for individual cuts to what they did would continue to be thrown into the mix during each budget round. Each year parts of these services would be put at risk and the likelihood was that over time they would be seriously diminished.

I couldn’t do much about the background picture of ever tightening financial circumstances. Yet I believed that by changing the structure through which these services were delivered we could find a way to help to protect them from the “salami slicing” process of a saving here and a saving there each year until there was nothing left. Trust status was a method we could use to protect them as much as possible from that inevitability.

However, I was also convinced that if this was a purely defensive measure then it would not succeed.

Firstly any new organisation we set up had to have genuine independence. If this was conceived solely as a mechanism for saving money then, not only would we be likely to fall foul of charity law, but the new organisation would not be able to function properly. It could potentially lead to an even worse outcome for the services involved. We may be able to find a way to protect the funding streams but that alone would not secure a long term future. We had to do it in a way that enhanced these services ability to develop and encourage the theme to move towards a sustainable model for their continuation.

We wanted the move to an independent trust to open the potential for making use of other sources of funding. We also wanted to maintain a public service ethos for these services but at the same time to give them greater freedom of movement outside of the constraints of a local government environment. Above all this was an opportunity for these services to find a way to do things differently, not only more efficiently but we hoped more effectively.

From this we developed our principle of ‘protect and enhance’ that underpinned everything we were trying to achieve with this process.

I had become certain that the creation of a broadly based cultural services trust was very much the right thing to do to safeguard the future of the arts, museums and library services in Luton. I also started to feel passionately that this was an opportunity to create something of great and lasting value to the community of the town. But I was also aware that it was a very bold and radical move. I doubted whether other councillors would share my level of certainty and enthusiasm. It was up to me to be an advocate for the idea at a political level and to work to push it through.

First I had to convince my fellow Executive members and my colleagues in the Liberal Democrat council group of the merits of the idea. I was also concerned about the attitude that the main Labour opposition group would take to the proposal. The Council had only moved to establish Active Luton after a long and drawn out process of consultation and all-party discussion within the Council. While I wanted to establish as much consensus as possible the circumstances didn’t really allow for a similar process. So I was aware that if the proposal met significant opposition it would likely fail.

Fortunately, the general reaction the idea received from members across the council was cautious scepticism rather than any outright hostility. They were willing to explore the idea and be open to being convinced. I secured agreement from the Liberal Democrat group to develop the proposal further.

The Executive made the decision in December 2006 to confirm the creation of the museums trust but crucially it also decided to investigate the feasibility of transferring other cultural services into that organisation. A final decision was to come to a future meeting of the Executive.

We were now exploring the possibility of creating a museums trust as an initial vehicle and then growing it over time by the phased transfer of further services. However, we soon realised that there were further practical problems with this approach. It had become clear that an even more radical move was necessary if we wanted the transfer to work. So the approach was changed to one where the transfer of the museums service would be delayed and the transfer of the other services speeded up. This would result in the transfer of the museums, arts and library services at the same time to a single cultural services trust.

These proposals were consulted on with staff and discussed with members. They were also taken to the relevant scrutiny committee in March 2007. In April 2007 the Executive at my recommendation made the decision to transfer the museums, arts and library services into a separate organisation. It asked the council’s officers to continue with their work on the detailed commissioning arrangements and report to a further executive for final approval.

A new set of local elections were held in May 2007 that ended the Liberal Democrat administration and returned a Labour majority. The plans to develop a cultural services trust had come a long way since the initial discussions in the summer of the previous year but the final decision had yet to be taken. If they wanted to the new Labour administration could call a halt to the whole thing. It was frustrating to be sat on the opposition benches knowing that the fate of a project that I had put some much into and care so deeply about was in the hands of others.

I am sure they looked carefully at the details and I imagine that the financial arguments in favour were persuasive. But they could have easily felt that these services naturally belonged as part of the Council and seen this project to externalise them as a dangerous step too far. So it is to the Labour group’s credit that they saw the merits of going ahead with the cultural services trust and allowed the process to continue.

The Executive took its final decision to go ahead in February 2008. Not being in at the finish was also frustrating. They were some aspects of how the Labour administration chose to set up the trust that I would have done slightly differently. But those are really just minor irritations. The key thing was that the project was going to make it from those initial discussions I had had with Peter Jones to a reality.

The model chosen for the new organisation was a Not for Profit Distributing Organisation (NPDO). An NPDO is a form of business structure which can operate at a profit but is required to reinvest those profits into services or growth. It was thought that this model would give the new organisation the right level of flexibility. The NPDO vehicle was to be Luton Cultural Services Trust Limited, a company limited by guarantee which also had charitable status. A subsidiary trading company through which the Trust’s purely commercial activities could take place was also established.

Luton Cultural Services Trust came into existence on the 1st March 2008.

Since then we’ve renamed it to the friendlier Luton Culture and it has firmly established itself as an independent charity. I think it is clear that the objective of protecting and enhancing the museums, libraries and arts services in Luton have been achieved by this move. While Luton Culture is by no means insulated from the impact of public spending cuts we are now facing, these important and valued services are in a much stronger position as part of an independent charitable trust than they would be otherwise.

I am extremely proud of my role in its creation and have continued my involvement as a member of the Board of Trustees. If I could claim to have done only one thing of value during my eight years as a councillor this is the one I would choose.

Luton Borough Council and climate change

I wrote in a previous post about how during my time as an elected councillor on Luton Borough Council I got the Council to sign up to the Nottingham Declaration on tackling climate change in 2006 and how that was used as a lever to get the Council to take the issue seriously.

On two occasions last year I was asked to be a guest speaker and facilitator at the Climate Change Leadership Academy organised by Local Government Improvement and Development. These two day courses for elected members were designed to show how local councils can take action to prevent and mitigate climate change and empower councillors to lead that work within their authorities. I was asked to bring insights from my experience from Luton to share with the other participants. This blog post is based on the presentation that I gave at these training days.

Luton Borough Council has achieved a lot on the Climate Change agenda since 2006.

The Council’s current corporate plan contains two core aims relating to the environment and climate change.

  • Successfully Adapting and Mitigating for Climate Change
  • Reducing the consumption of water, energy, materials and minimising waste, including support for renewable energy generation

The Council has developed a comprehensive set of strategies to implement those aims.

There is the Carbon Management Plan a strategy for reducing the council’s own carbon emissions which was developed with support from the Carbon Trust. There is also the Climate Change Adaptation Plan the strategy for adaptation. Then there is the Local Area Carbon Emissions Reduction Action Plan a strategy for fulfilling the council’s role in encouraging the reduction of carbon emissions within the wider community which was developed with support from the Energy Saving Trust. Finally there is the LBC Environment Framework Strategy.

There has been the implementation of various energy saving measures within the Council. This has meant a 31% reduction in CO2 emissions from LBC buildings, from 41,930 tons in 2008/09 to 29,040 tons 2009/10. It has set a target of reducing C02 by 11% funded by the council (a further 14% if external funding secured) by 2014. It has an aspirational target of 60% reduction by 2019. The specific actions have included; the roll out of smart metering including to schools, libraries and community centres; the installation of computerised energy management systems in some council buildings; and energy awareness communications to council staff. It has also done work on household energy efficiency through the fuel poverty team.

Other initiatives have included; in 2008 commissioning an “Eco Footprint for the Area of Luton”; adding objectives on renewable energy to planning policy, requiring that all reports to the Executive must have considered environmental implications, and carrying out community engagement through the “My Climate” initiative. One project involved an aerial thermal mapping survey of the whole of Luton the results of which are available online.

Another major thing that the council has done is to ‘mainstream’ climate change adaptation. It has adopted the National Indicator 188 (planning to Adapt to Climate Change – planning for a changing climate) as a key council target. Apparently Luton was the only local authority in the East of England to have reached Level 3 by March 2010 which involves having a detailed action plan in place to deal with the effect of climate change on the Council’s ability to provide key services.

Finally, to better take forward this work the council has also recently established a dedicated Climate Change Team.

I have some criticisms of what the Council has done. Given that I believe that this issue is of crucial importance I want to see the Council go further and faster. I have been particularly frustrated by the pace of progress. I am also concerned about the balance between adaptation and mitigation. Whatever we do now climate change will happen and so local authorities will have to adapt themselves and their communities to it. But I don’t believe this should become an acceptance that we only adapt because there is nothing we can do to stop the process. We must at the same time be doing all we can to reduce carbon emissions and to slow and stop climate change itself.

I also have worries about the level of commitment from elected members. I never felt that the two Labour environment portfolio-holders who followed me had the same level of commitment to the issue that I did. I also think there was a lack of engagement with the issue across all parties in the council chamber, including some genuine climate change sceptics amongst the Tory group. There is also a real danger that given the financial circumstance faced by local authorities climate change work becomes a casualty. Maintaining member commitment and leadership when councillors will be faced with so many other pressures may prove difficult.

But I may be being overly pessimistic. Although I am no longer amongst them, I hope that members of the Liberal Democrat group will continue to raise climate change as an issue and if we are lucky there may be an environmentalist or two amongst the new intake of Labour councillors. What does give me comfort is that it is clear that climate change has become a mainstream part of the council’s agenda and that is unlikely to change.

Achievement five: Tackling climate change at Luton Borough Council

On the 5th May 2011 I failed in my attempt to be re-elected to Luton Borough Council after eight years serving as an elected councillor. This article is part of a series of posts where I attempt to process what those eight years have meant for myself by asking the question “what did I achieve?” in that time.

Looking back one of the things that I am clear that I have done during my time as a councillor has been to be a champion for the issue of climate change within the authority. Getting the council to take seriously its responsibilities towards playing its role in tackling climate change developed into one the things on the top of my personal agenda. I am sure there were ways I could have been a better advocate for the cause but by being the councillor that would keep going on about it I kind of made it my issue. So much so that my ward colleague would frequently talk about “Andy’s global warming” as if I was personally responsible for it all.

While it was an issue that I kept coming back to when in opposition, asking questions in council and so on, it was what I did during my time as portfolio-holder with responsibility for environmental issues between 2004 and 2007 where I made the most significant impact. This is the story of how an initiative by elected members was responsible for putting the issue of climate change on to the agenda of Luton Borough Council and as a result gave council officers the opportunity and space to make solid progress on the issue.

After the minority Liberal Democrat administration was elected in 2003 in the area of the environment our initial priorities were street services and transport. Climate change was not really on the council’s agenda both at member and officer level. However, in 2006 I with my colleague Martin Howes, the then finance portfolio-holder, decided to set out to change that.

The key decision we took was to get the Council to sign up to the Nottingham Declaration in late 2006. The Nottingham Declaration is a pledge by local authorities to systematically address the causes of climate change and to prepare their community for its impacts. It was launched in October 2000 and updated in 2005, and has been signed by over three hundred English local councils.

It is important to make clear that this was a member initiative. It was something that Martin and I chose to do and got the backing of the Liberal Democrat group for. No officer had suggested to me that we should sign up to the declaration. Nor do I remember being lobbied to do so from outside. It was something that we cooked up together.

We were also very keen that this would be more than just talk. We saw signing up to the Nottingham Declaration as a lever to put tackling climate change on the agenda. Martin was keen to get financial gains from energy efficiency and I wanted to widen the scope of the Council’s approach to environmental policy, but what we most wanted to achieve was to get the to Council to take practical actions. So much so that I can clearly remember Martin and I sitting together to rewrite the officer recommendations on the first key report to the executive in order to make them more action orientated.

We also saw it as important to establish clear officer responsibility for taking this agenda forward. In the beginning this turned out to be the Council’s Scrutiny Manager working alongside an officer working group that was established. We also, in order to ensure that this process gained momentum, asked for regular reports to the executive on progress for the first key year. I have collated and uploaded the paper trail of the various council reports if anyone is interested in looking at the detail.

Our approach to taking forward the Council’s work on climate change was threefold:

  • First we wanted to identify some quick wins. We wanted to identify things of benefit that could be achieved within a short time frame.
  • Second we wanted the work to be cost neutral. We looked for actions that would fund themselves from savings or that would bring in external funding.
  • Third, we did want some engagement with the public on the issue of climate change, but we thought this would only be credible if the council was practising what it preached. So we saw the priority at the start being about “putting our own house in order”.

So what did we achieve with this initiative?

The key impact that we had acting as elected members was to provide a space and structure for officers to make progress. The work that followed the signing of the declaration highlighted existing good practice and allowed officers to make connections with other strategies and activities across the council. It also put in place new mechanisms that allowed the officers to develop new initiatives.

So our key achievement was to embed the climate change agenda into the work of the council. This work has continued through the change of administration in 2007 and continues today.

On two occasions last year I was asked to be a guest speaker and facilitator at the Climate Change Leadership Academy organised by Local Government Improvement and Development and run by the excellent Steve Waller. These two day courses for elected members were designed to show how local councils can take action to prevent and mitigate climate change and empower councillors to lead that work within their authorities. I was asked to bring insights from my experience from Luton to share with the other participants.

I chose to talk about how we had used the Nottingham Declaration as a lever to get the issue on the council’s agenda and this blog post is based on the first part of the presentation that I gave at these training days. I have made the slides available online for anyone who is interested in looking at the whole thing.

Going back through my notes I’ve realised that there is a lot more I could say about climate change at LBC and the role of local government in tackling the issues more generally. I certainly want to talk a bit more about what practical actions signing up to the declaration led to. It appears that I have the material for another few blog posts!

Achievement four: The Luton Summer Festival

On the 5th May 2011 I failed in my attempt to be re-elected to Luton Borough Council after eight years serving as an elected councillor. This article is part of a series of posts where I attempt to process what those eight years have meant for myself by asking the question “what did I achieve?” in that time.

I remember the occasion well. The architects that Luton Borough Council had employed to come up with the design for the new St George’s Square were giving a presentation to executive members, me amongst them, and other councillors about what they wanted the new Square to look like. The architects firm, Gillespies (despite having one of those awful impractical websites that architect practices seem to favour), had done a very good job. The designs they presented that day didn’t look all that much different to what we ended up with and the Square has gone on to win several awards.

So as we watched the presentation I think most of us were rather impressed. But there was one sequence in their presentation that struck me more than the other bits and gave me an idea. This was a real ‘light-bulb’ moment.

They showed a couple of slides that outlined how the Square could accommodate a stage and theatre style seating in a number of different configurations. Viewing these I suddenly realised that in the redeveloping the Square we would be doing more than reviving a tired and underused space in the town centre, we would also be creating an outdoor space that could be used for a number of different activities. An unexpected bonus of the new development was that we would be giving the Town a new venue.

I came away from that meeting excited by the possibilities. While the redevelopment of the Square was a really good project in itself I was now aware of the opportunity to give it some added value. The question was then how could we make use of this new venue.

In the following months, as the new Square was being built, I set out to do two things. The first was to ensure that early discussions were held with the relevant council officers about what we could do with the Square. The second was during the budget process to secure a modest pot of money that could be used to part fund whatever it was we were going to do. I achieved this and this meant that when the new Square was opened a whole programme of activities were planned for the first year.

I knew that to some extent this would be an experiment. This was a new facility. It would take some time to work out how to use it. You would need to discover the practical implications of making the space work. For instance what equipment would be needed and how the space could best be managed. It would also be necessary to work out what kind activities worked in that space and what did not. But I felt it was important that the Council should be brave enough to allow this experiment to take place so that we could learn how to make best use of this new asset.

The hard work of conducting this experiment was mostly done by the staff of the arts service, the team headed up by Andy Grays, which at that point was still part of the Council. But I don’t think without me giving the political space in which to explore how to use the Square the Council would have done as much as it did. So I feel that insisting that the Council take a lead in developing this programme of activities is an achievement.

Two things came out of this that I was particularly pleased about. The first was that for several weeks during the winter of 2007 there was an ice rink in the Square. I thought this worked really well and I don’t quite understand why it hasn’t been brought back.

The second was the first Luton Summer festival. This series of concerts and performances held during the summer of 07 wasn’t quite what I personally envisioned. The choice of acts wasn’t quite right, the layout of the Square felt over engineered with too many barriers and such, and it was discovered that selling tickets didn’t really work. But that was the whole point of the experiment – too learn how to make the venue work. But what it did do was prove that  the new St George’s Square could be used as a venue to provide entertainment to the people of the Town.

And the the Summer Festival has continued. Sometimes it has been unlucky with the weather, but for four years it has brought a wide range of music and children’s activities to the Square. It has showcased local talent, brought life and vibrancy to the town centre, and given people a good time. So in all, I think, worthwhile.